The original source Vickery and Kiernan are citing is Pin Yathay, L'Utopie Meurtrière, p. 149. (88) Kiernan, "Demography of Genocide," p. 586. An emerging consensus suggested that the toll was somewhere between one and two million. People were encouraged to call each other "friend", or "comrade" (in Khmer, មិត្ដ mitt), and to avoid traditional signs of deference such as bowing or folding the hands in salutation. Dans le documentaire Ennemis du peuple, réalisé par le Cambodgien Thet Sambath et le Britannique Rob Lemkin, l'ancien « Frère n° 2 » mentionne l'élimination de « criminels » impossibles à « rééduquer », commentant : « Si nous les avions laissés vivre, la ligne du parti aurait été détournée. Ten years later, however, Vickery was still defending his position. Moreover, some of the 500,000 war victims are buried in mass graves, and without forensic tests it is probably impossible to determine whether death occurred before or after 1975." This seems exceptionally high when we consider the number of soldiers fielded by both sides. Des régions entières souffrent de famine, et des cas de cannibalisme sont observés[41]. analyses and other statistical methodologies. According to the, Documentation Center data, these mass graves contain the remains of 1,110,829 victims, Let's look a little more closely at that number. Other evidence also suggests that the war toll should be re-evaluated. (30) Kiernan, Ben: "The Demography of Genocide in Southeast Asia," online at http://www.yale.edu/gsp/publications/KiernanRevised1.pdf. "New people" apparently were not allowed to participate. The death toll in Cambodia under Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot was most likely between 1.2 million and 2.8 million — or between 13 percent and 30 percent of the country’s population at the time — according to a forthcoming article by a UCLA demographer. The Vietnamese apparently believed they had "taught a lesson" to the Cambodians, but Pol Pot proclaimed this a "victory" even greater than that of April 17, 1975. Dans cette zone, 20 à 30 % des morts sont dues à la famine[44]. "[citation needed]. The methods employed were straightforward: beginning with an estimate of the 1975 population, the authors applied estimates for birth and death rates for various social groups in different phases of the revolution, and also estimated the number of executions and population loss due to migration. Other work carried out by a political scientist, Steve Heder, suggested that different proportions of the total death toll could be attributed to execution for urban versus rural dwellers, about 33% among 'new people' and 50% among 'base people.' For Kiernan's estimate of 1.67 million deaths to be accurate, we could make several different assumptions... but none of them seems particularly likely. [citation needed]. [1][2] Estimates of the total deaths resulting from Khmer Rouge policies, including death from disease and starvation, range from 1.7 to 2.5 million out of a 1975 population of roughly 8 million. The number of "new people" may initially have been as high as 2.5 million. (When the War was Over, p.1) David Chandler refers to "over a million," The Tragedy of Cambodian History, p. 236. The resultant purges reached a crest in 1977 and 1978 when thousands, including some important KCP leaders, were executed. Les familles, du fait des hasards de la déportation et des relégations dans des « unités de travail » difficiles à quitter, sont fréquemment séparées. Online at http://groups-beta.google.com/group/bit.listserv.seasia-l/browse_frm/thread/d214f7f2017c3b55/abb667a99b4c65c7?&rnum=2&hl=en#abb667a99b4c65c7. (102) I would regard this as the "most likely" figure for the expected population. Au début de l'année 1975, le « Centre » — expression désignant l'organe de direction des Khmers rouges, soit le Parti communiste du Kampuchéa, dit également Angkar អង្ការ (« Organisation ») — décide lors d'une réunion d'évacuer la population de Phnom Penh, une fois qu'elle aurait été prise. Les seuls citoyens de « plein droit » se trouvent dans le « peuple de base », les habitants des zones tenues depuis plusieurs années par les Khmers rouges[38]. Heder interviewed about 1,500 refugees on the Thai-Cambodian border. Those who had been educators prior to 1975 survived by hiding their identities. Certaines sources évoquent plus de 3 millions de morts, dans la mesure où le recensement de 1971 effectué au Royaume du Cambodge était incomplet, négligeant par exemple un grand nombre de réfugiés, victimes des bombardements américains, dans l'est du pays, à la suite des conséquences de la guerre du Vietnam. (56) Heuveline, "Demographic Analysis," p. 108. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1978. Numbers are unforgiving: small errors can become big errors, but even faulty statistics are still imbued with authority by virtue of their source. (46) Statistics from the 1998 census data implied a decrease in the birth rate from 1970 on, and a severe decline from 1975 on. “We believe this is highly exaggerated and I think the Cambodian public and the international community deserve to have a proper debate.”. Peace still eluded the war-ravaged nation, however, and although the insurgency set in motion by the Khmer Rouge proved unable to topple the new Vietnamese-controlled regime in Phnom Penh, it did nonetheless keep the country in a permanent state of insecurity. He pointed out that combining these figures would result in the double-counting of many victims, and that the survey was also marred by other methodological errors, such as a failure to account for instances where the same deaths were reported by two families. [citation needed] In the Northern Zone and in the Central Zone, there seem to have been more executions than there were victims of starvation. En certains endroits, les arbres fruitiers sont tous coupés pour chasser les oiseaux pilleurs de récoltes, ce qui a pour conséquence de priver la population de toute possibilité de cueillette. Si les actes de Pol Pot et de son régime entrent sans difficulté dans la catégorie des crimes de guerre, la qualification de génocide est plus problématique selon l'importance que les spécialistes accordent ou non à l'aspect racial des massacres commis au Cambodge[74]. However, he noted, "on the weakness of all Cambodian population statistics," any estimate could be off by 2-300,000. Between 1995 and 1999, DC-Cam teams surveyed some 20,000 graves. Initially, it might seem that sampling survivors will work fine: half of the families had three fatalities, and half had one; so on the average, there were two deaths per family, which matches the actual death toll precisely. Shawcross, William: The Quality of Mercy, Simon and Schuster, 1984. In, Genocide of Bosniaks and Croats by the Chetniks, "Architect of Genocide Was Unrepentant to the End", "Counting Hell: The Death Toll of the Khmer Rouge Regime in Cambodia", "Cambodia: Help for the Auschwitz of Asia", "Top Khmer Rouge leaders found guilty of crimes against humanity, sentenced to life in prison", Sentence reduced for former Khmer Rouge prison chief, Khmer Rouge executioner 'Comrade Duch' who oversaw notorious torture prison dies age 77, Dark memories of Cambodia's killing spree, Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Killing_Fields&oldid=988099924, All Wikipedia articles written in American English, Wikipedia articles needing clarification from October 2018, Articles with unsourced statements from May 2015, Articles with unsourced statements from June 2020, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, This page was last edited on 11 November 2020, at 02:08. Szijjarto was confirmed Covid-19 positive in the Thai capital, Prime Minister Hun Sen has cancelled his visits and postponed joining several planned programmes to continue his quarantine. He cites a passage from Vickery's Cambodia 1975-1982, where Vickery writes: "Some of the burial pits discovered provide the evidence that mass executions occurred, but there is as yet no way to count the number of executions separately from death due to other causes.
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